Inside the Revolts Erupting in America’s Big Newsrooms

编辑部内部“起火”,美国主流媒体的变革时代

纽约时报双语版-编辑部内部“起火”,美国主流媒体的变革时代

韦斯利·劳厄里因密苏里州弗格森的报道成名。
Joshua McFadden for The New York Times

Wesley Lowery woke up in Ferguson, Missouri, on Aug. 14, 2014, his cheek sore from where a police officer had smashed it into a vending machine. He was also wondering how to get his shoelaces back into his boat shoes, after the police took them when tossing him in a holding cell the night before. Around 8:30 that morning, he dialed into CNN’s morning show, where a host passed on some advice from Joe Scarborough at MSNBC: “Next time a police officer tells you that you’ve got to move along because you’ve got riots outside, well, you probably should move along.”

2014年8月14日,密苏里州弗格森市的韦斯利·劳厄里(Wesley Lowery)从睡梦中醒来,被警察一把按在自动售货机上的脸还在隐隐作痛。他还在想上哪找回他那双帆船鞋的鞋带,因为前一晚警察把他扔进拘留所时,把他的鞋带收走了。那天早上8点半左右,他打进了CNN的晨间节目,一位主持人向他传达了来自MSNBC的乔·斯卡伯勒(Joe Scarborough)的建议:“下次如果有警察警告你,务必赶紧走开,因为外面发生了骚乱,那么,你可能还是照做的好。”

Lowery responded furiously. “I would invite Joe Scarborough to come down to Ferguson and get out of 30 Rock where he’s sitting sipping his Starbucks smugly,” he said on CNN, describing “having tear gas shot at me, having rubber bullets shot at me, having mothers, daughters, crying, having a 19-year-old boy, crying as he had to run and pull his 21-year-old sister out of a cloud of tear gas.”

劳厄里做出了愤怒的回应。“我想邀请乔·斯卡伯勒到弗格森来,别光是坐在洛克30号的办公室里喝着星巴克幸灾乐祸,”他在CNN上说,并描述道,“催泪弹、橡皮子弹往我身上招呼,妈妈、女儿们在哭,一个19岁男孩边哭边跑,把他21岁的姐姐从催泪弹烟雾中拽出来。”

The outburst from a 24-year-old Washington Post reporter provoked eye rolls in Washington. But Lowery would go on to make his name in Ferguson as an aggressive and high-profile star, shaping a raw new national perspective on racial injustice. Six years later, few in the news business doubt Lowery’s premise: that American police are more brutal and dishonest than much of the media that came of age pre-Ferguson reported.

这位24岁的《华盛顿邮报》记者的情感爆发,在华盛顿惹来一阵白眼。但后来,劳厄里在弗格森成为了一名咄咄逼人的高调明星,他在国家层面塑造了一种不假矫饰的种族不公新视角。六年后,新闻行业几乎没有人再质疑劳厄里的态度:美国警察的残忍和欺骗,更甚于弗格森事件之前许多媒体的报道。

“I look at everything differently, and would never do that again,” Scarborough told me of his 2014 exchange with Lowery. “I should have kept my mouth shut.”

“我对一切的看法都不同了,也永远不会再那么做了,”在谈到2014年与劳厄里的对话时,斯卡伯勒这样告诉我。“我应该闭上嘴。”

Historical moments don’t have neat beginnings and endings, but the new way of covering civil rights protests, like the Black Lives Matter movement itself, coalesced on the streets of Ferguson. Seeing the brutality of a white power structure toward its poor black citizens up close, and at its rawest, helped shape the way a generation of reporters, most of them black, looked at their jobs when they returned to their newsrooms.

历史瞬间并没有一个清晰的开始和终结,但报道民权抗议的新方式,就像“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动本身一样,在弗格森的街头得以整合成形。近距离以最直接的方式目睹白人权力建筑对贫困黑人公民的暴行,塑造了一代记者(大部分是黑人)回到编辑部后对自己这份工作的态度。

And by 2014, they had in Twitter a powerful outlet. The platform offered a counterweight to their newsrooms, which over the years had sought to hire black reporters on the unspoken condition that they bite their tongues about racism.

而在2014年,他们有了Twitter这个强大的渠道。这个平台提供了一个抗衡他们的编辑部的砝码,多年来,编辑部一直想在一个不成文规则下聘用黑人记者,那就是他们得对种族主义保持缄默。

Now, as America is wrestling with the surging of a moment that began in August 2014, its biggest newsrooms are trying to find common ground between a tradition that aims to persuade the widest possible audience that its reporting is neutral and journalists who believe that fairness on issues from race to Donald Trump requires clear moral calls.

如今,美国在始于2014年8月的汹涌浪潮中挣扎,那些规模最大的编辑部正试图在说服尽可能多的受众,让他们相信其报道中立的传统,和那些认为只有明确的道德呼吁才能公正对待从种族到唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)等问题的记者之间寻找共通点。

The conflict exploded in recent days into public protests at The New York Times, ending in the resignation of its top opinion editor Sunday; The Philadelphia Inquirer, whose executive editor resigned Saturday over the headline “Buildings Matter, Too” and the ensuing anger from his staff; and The Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. And it has been the subject of quiet agony at The Washington Post, which Lowery left earlier this year, months after the executive editor, Martin Baron, threatened to fire him for expressing his views on Twitter about race, journalism and other subjects.

最近几天,这种冲突演变为对《纽约时报》的公开抗议,导致报社评论版主管编辑在周日辞职;《费城问询报》的执行主编因“建筑物也很重要”的标题辞职,并引发了其手下员工的愤怒;《匹兹堡邮报》也是如此。而劳厄里今年早些时候的离职成为《华盛顿邮报》员工们默默忿懑的话题,几个月前,由于在Twitter上发表了自己对种族、新闻和其他问题的看法,该报执行主编马丁·巴伦(Martin Baron)威胁要解雇劳厄里。

Lowery’s view that news organizations’ “core value needs to be the truth, not the perception of objectivity,” as he told me — has been winning in a series of battles, many around how to cover race. Heated Twitter criticism helped to retire euphemisms like “racially charged.” The big outlets have gradually, awkwardly, given ground, using “racist” and “lie” more freely, especially when describing Trump’s behavior. The Times vowed to remake its opinion section after Sen. Tom Cotton’s op-ed article calling for the use of troops in American cities infuriated the newsroom last week.

劳厄里告诉我,他认为新闻机构的“核心价值应该是真相,而不是给人一种客观的感觉”,而他的观点已经获得了一系列胜利,其中很多都关于如何对种族问题进行报道。Twitter上的激烈批评使“充满种族色彩”这样的委婉说法被摒弃了。大型媒体逐渐尴尬让步,开始更自由地——特别是在描述特朗普的行为时——使用“种族主义者”和“谎言”之类的词。上周,在参议员汤姆·科顿(Tom Cotton)呼吁军队进入美国城市的观点文章激怒编辑部之后,时报承诺对评论版进行改革。

纽约时报双语版-编辑部内部“起火”,美国主流媒体的变革时代

亚米切·阿尔辛多说她在Twitter上看到弗格森的枪击和抗议活动,“认为《今日美国》应该去现场报道这件事。”
Ryan Reilly

They Raised Their Hands

他们举起了手

The press corps that landed in Ferguson after a black 18-year-old, Michael Brown Jr., was fatally shot by a white police officer, was blacker than most big American newsrooms. That wasn’t an accident — many reporters had raised their hands to cover a story that unfolded, first, on Twitter. Lowery, a new congressional reporter, asked if he could help out on The Post’s live blog chronicling the aftermath of the shooting, and instead found himself in the streets. Yamiche Alcindor, then 27, saw the news on Twitter, “thought it was something USA Today should be covering on the ground” and asked to go. Akilah Johnson, then 35 and a reporter at The Boston Globe, emailed her editor that “an American city is burning,” and was put on a plane. Craig Melvin, 35 and an NBC correspondent, asked his boss to “put me in, coach.” Rembert Browne, then 27 and writing for the sports and culture site Grantland, was looking at his phone in a bar in Brooklyn, New York, when he felt, “I want to do something,” and bought a plane ticket.

18岁的黑人小迈克尔·布朗(Michael Brown Jr.)被一名白人警察开枪打死后,抵达弗格森的记者团的肤色,比美国大多数编辑部都要黑。这不是偶然,许多记者都主动提出要报道这则最先在Twitter上展开的新闻。作为刚上手的国会记者,劳厄里问他是否可以参与《华盛顿邮报》枪击事件余波的直播博客报道,结果却走上了街头。当时27岁的亚米切·阿尔辛多(Yamiche Alcindor)在Twitter上看到新闻,“认为《今日美国》应该去现场报道这件事”,就请求前往。当时35岁的阿基拉·约翰逊(Akilah Johnson)是《波士顿环球报》记者,她在邮件里告诉自己的编辑,“一座美国城市正在燃烧”,于是她也被送上飞机。35岁的克雷格·梅尔文(Craig Melvin)是NBC通讯记者,他请求老板说,“教练,让我上场。”当时27岁的伦伯特·布朗(Rembert Browne)是体育和文化网站Grantland的撰稿人,在纽约布鲁克林一家酒吧里刷手机时,他突然觉得“我想做点什么”,就买了一张机票。

“There was a critical mass of black journalists — most of them young — many to most of them steeped in the history of race and the history of police violence in this country,” said Jelani Cobb of The New Yorker, an elder statesman of the group who celebrated his 45th birthday at a wine bar near the Ferguson police headquarters.

“有大量黑人记者——大多数是年轻人——都深刻理解这个国家的种族问题历史和警察暴力历史,”《纽约客》的杰拉尼·科布(Jelani Cobb)说,他曾在弗格森警察总部附近的酒吧庆祝45岁生日,在场记者中他是元老级。

纽约时报双语版-编辑部内部“起火”,美国主流媒体的变革时代

杰拉尼·科布(中),摄于去年。他是2014年报道弗格森抗议的黑人记者中的老前辈。
Amy Sussman/Getty Images

What they found shocked many of them: Bereft, enraged citizens whose anger sometimes extended to the press and police officers geared up for war.

他们的发现令他们自己都感到震惊:失去亲人的愤怒市民有时会将怒火引向媒体,而警察的装备仿佛是要上战场。

“Seeing police in armored vehicles in riot gear with semi-automatic weapons in a residential neighborhood in America — and seeing them viewing black people not as citizens and taxpayers and people worthy of protection but rather almost like enemy combatants was surreal,” said Errin Haines, then a reporter for Fusion and now editor at large for The 19th, in a telephone interview.

“在美国居民区看到穿着防暴护具的警察,手持半自动武器坐在装甲车里——看到他们不把黑人当作公民、纳税人和值得保护的人,而是接近某种敌方战斗人员,真的太超现实了,”埃琳·海恩斯(Errin Haines)在接受电话采访时说,她当时在Fusion做记者,现在是The 19th的特约编辑。

On Aug. 18, after nine nights of unrest, the Ferguson police imposed a rule that protesters could not simply assemble in one place. So Alcindor said she found herself walking endlessly, interviewing tired protesters who were doing the same.

8月18日,在经历九晚骚乱后,弗格森警方实施了一项规定,要求抗议者不能只是在一个地点集会。于是,阿尔辛多说,她只能不停走动,采访和她一样疲惫不堪的抗议者。

“Walking in circles and then realizing later on that it was simply an unconstitutional rule, it changed the way I thought about reporting — it made me think I have to question everything, including the rules of our reporting,” Alcindor, a former Times reporter who is now White House correspondent for PBS NewsHour, told me in an interview.

“我不停打转,后来才意识到这个规定根本是违宪的,这改变了我对报道的看法——让我觉得自己必须质疑一切,包括我们的报道原则,”阿尔辛多在采访中告诉我,她曾是时报记者,目前在PBS的节目NewsHour担任白宫通讯记者。

The police drew few distinctions between the media and the people they were covering. “There was no sense that I was any different from a protester. I got pushed around, the police pulled guns on me and other people,” recalled Joel Anderson, a BuzzFeed News reporter in Ferguson who now is a writer and podcast host for Slate.

警察很少会区别对待媒体及媒体所报道的对象。“他们根本不觉得我和抗议者有任何不同。我被到处推搡,警察拿枪指着我,就跟指着其他人一样,”乔尔·安德森(Joel Anderson)回忆道,他是BuzzFeed新闻派往弗格森的记者,目前在Slate担任撰稿人和播客主持人。

纽约时报双语版-编辑部内部“起火”,美国主流媒体的变革时代

乔尔·安德森在报道弗格森时是BuzzFeed记者。“他们根本不觉得我和抗议者有任何不同,”他说。
James Tensuan for The New York Times

New pressure on newsrooms

编辑部的新压力

Some of the lessons learned in Ferguson — about race and the particular experience of black reporters, among others — carried over into the next challenging era: the arrival of Trump, whose bigoted language and tactics shattered norms. Black reporters were joined by other journalists in pushing, inside newsrooms and on Twitter, for more direct language — and less deference — in covering the president.

在弗格森学到的一些教训——关于种族和黑人记者的特殊经历等等——延续到了下一个充满挑战的时代:特朗普上台,他充满偏见的语言和策略打破了常规。其他记者也加入了黑人记者的行列,要求在编辑部里和Twitter上报道总统时使用更直接的语言,少一些顺从。

That pattern continued last week, as Times staff members began an extraordinary campaign to publicly denounce the op-ed article written by Cotton. Members of an internal group called Black@NYT organized the effort in a new Slack channel and agreed on a carefully drafted response. They would say that Cotton’s column “endangered” black staff members, a choice of words intended to “focus on the work” and “avoid being construed as hyperpartisan,” one said. On Wednesday evening around 7:30, hours after the column was posted, Times employees began tweeting a screenshot of Cotton’s essay, most with some version of the sentence: “Running this puts Black @nytimes staff in danger.” The NewsGuild of New York later advised staff members that that formulation was legally protected speech because it focused on workplace safety. “It wasn’t just an opinion, it felt violent — it was a call to action that could hurt people,” one union activist said of Cotton’s column.

上周,这种模式仍在延续,时报员工掀起了一场不同寻常的运动,公开谴责科顿撰写的专栏文章。公司内部组织“纽时黑人”(Black@NYT)的成员们在一个新的Slack频道组织了这场运动,并一致同意拿出一份精心起草的回应。他们表示,科顿的专栏“危害”到黑人员工,其中一位参与者透露,这种措辞意在“专注于工作”和“避免被解读为极端党派化”。周三晚上7点30分左右,也就是在那篇专栏发布几小时后,时报员工开始在Twitter上发布科顿文章的截图,大部分都附上了类似的话:“发布这篇文章将使@nytimes的黑人员工处于危险之中。”纽约记者工会(NewsGuild)后来告诉时报员工,这种表述是受法律保护的言论,因为它关注的是工作场所的安全。“(那篇专栏)并不只是观点,它感觉就很暴力——是可能对人造成伤害的行动号召,”一位工会活动人士在谈到科顿的专栏时说。

Times employees sent the publisher a letter, which a reporter shared with me, saying Cotton’s “message undermines the work we do, in the newsroom and in opinion, and is an affront to our standards for ethical and accurate reporting for the public’s interest.” A NewsGuild spokesman said more than 1,000 Times employees signed the letter, but that the names weren’t being made public or shared internally.

一位记者与我分享了时报员工写给出版人的一封信,信中说,科顿传递的“讯息危害到我们的工作——不管在编辑部还是在评论版——也是对我们为公众利益进行报道的道德和准确性标准的侮辱”。一位记者工会发言人表示,有1000多名时报员工在信上签名,但他们的名字并没有被公开或在内部分享。

The protest worked: The paper veered into internal crisis, and the publisher, A.G. Sulzberger, decided he could not continue with Bennet running the opinion section, which had repeatedly stumbled in ways that infuriated the newsroom.

这场抗议奏效了:报社陷入了内部危机,出版人A·G·苏兹伯格(A.G. Sulzberger)决定,不能再让贝内特担任评论版负责人,因为该版面一再出现激怒编辑部的失误。

Bennet acknowledged that he had not read the op-ed before it was published, which people at all levels of the Times saw as a damning admission. He said in a virtual meeting with nearly 4,000 Times staff members Friday that he had long believed that for “ideas and even dangerous ideas, that the right thing to do is expose them on our platform to public scrutiny and debate, and that’s the best way, that even dangerous ideas can be discarded.” But, he said, he was now asking himself, “Is that right?” (Bennet declined to discuss the situation further with me.)

贝内特承认,在那篇专栏发表之前,他并没读过,而时报上下都认为这一点是不可原谅的。周五,他在与近4000名员工的视频会议上说,长期以来他一直认为,对于“一些想法乃至是危险的想法,正确的做法是将它们放到我们的平台上,让公众监督和讨论,这是最好的方式,即使是危险的想法也是可以摒弃的”。但他说,他现在会自问,“这样做到底对不对?”(贝内特拒绝与我进一步讨论这件事。)

At the same meeting, Times executives thanked staff members for their public outrage, and later that day published an editor’s note atop Cotton’s article, saying that it contained allegations that “have not been substantiated,” its tone was “needlessly harsh” and that it should not have been published.

在同一场会议上,时报高层对员工的公愤表达了感谢,而当天晚些时候,时报在科顿的文章里附上了编辑笔记,称文章内包含“未经证实的”主张,其语调有“不必要的严厉”,而它根本不应该被发布。

And while those angered by Cotton’s piece dominated the Twitter and Slack conversations and won the day, some staff members disagreed in private and public with the decision.

虽然对科顿的文章感到愤怒的人主导了Twitter和Slack上的讨论,占据了上风,但一些员工在私下和公开场合都表示不认同这一决定。

纽约时报双语版-编辑部内部“起火”,美国主流媒体的变革时代

在三月的一场新闻发布会上,一名白宫工作人员试图拿走阿尔辛多的话筒,她现在是PBS的NewsHour节目的白宫记者。
Pool photo by Stefani Reynolds

“A strong paper and strong democracy does not shy from many voices. And this one had clear news value,” Michael Powell, a longtime reporter and sports columnist at The Times, wrote on Twitter. He also called the editor’s note an “embarrassing retreat from principle.”

“强大的报纸和强大的民主制度不会回避多种声音的存在。这篇文章显然具有新闻价值,”时报资深记者、体育专栏作家迈克尔·鲍威尔(Michael Powell)在Twitter上写道。他还称那篇编辑笔记是“一次难堪的原则退让”。

The fights at The Times are particularly intense because Sulzberger is now considering candidates to replace the executive editor, Dean Baquet, in 2022, the year he turns 66. Competing candidates represent different visions for the paper, and Bennet had embodied a particular kind of ecumenical establishment politics. But the Cotton debacle had clearly endangered Bennet’s future. When the highly regarded Sunday Business editor, Nick Summers, said in a Google Hangout meeting last Thursday that he wouldn’t work for Bennet, he drew agreement from colleagues in a chat window.

时报的斗争尤其激烈,因为苏兹伯格现正在考虑执行主编人选,以在2022年取代届时年满66岁的迪恩·巴奎(Dean Baquet)。竞争此位置的候选人代表了时报的不同愿景,而贝内特所代表的就是一种特定的普世政治体制。但科顿带来的灾难显然危及了贝内特的未来。上周四,备受推崇的周日版商业编辑尼克·萨默斯(Nick Summers)在一次谷歌环聊会议中表示,他不会为贝内特工作,他得到了聊天窗口里许多同事的赞同。

How long Sulzberger and Baquet will put up with public pressure from their staff is not clear. In an earlier moment of social turmoil, A.M. Rosenthal, who led the newsroom from 1969 to 1986, kept a watchful eye and heavy hand on reporters he perceived to lean too far left. The words, “He kept the paper straight,” are inscribed on his gravestone.

员工对苏兹伯格和巴奎的公开施压还会持续多久,目前尚不得而知。1969年至1986年执掌编辑部 的A·M·罗森塔尔(A. M. Rosenthal),在此前的一段社会动荡期中十分小心,对于那些他认为偏向激进左派的记者使用高压手段。他的墓碑上刻着“他让报社走在正道上”。

Minutes after Sulzberger told the staff in an email that Bennet had resigned, he told me not to interpret the move as a philosophical shift. Rosenthal, he noted, had presided over a much less diverse newsroom, and one that focused on covering New York for New Yorkers.

苏兹伯格在一封电子邮件中告知员工们,本内特已经辞职,几分钟后,他告诉我不要将此举理解为一种根本立场的转变。他指出,罗森塔尔主持的新闻编辑室远不像现在这么多元,而且是专注于为纽约人报道纽约。

“In this case, we messed up and hiding behind, ‘We want to keep the paper straight,’ to not acknowledge that, would have left us more exposed,” Sulzberger said.

苏兹伯格说:“这一次,我们搞砸了,但打着‘我们要让报社走在正道上’的旗号而不去认错,只会招来更多的审视。”

And he told me in a separate interview Friday: “We’re not retreating from the principles of independence and objectivity. We don’t pretend to be objective about things like human rights and racism.”

周五,他在另一次采访中告诉我:“我们并不是要放弃独立性和客观性原则。在人权和种族主义之类的问题上,我们不会假装客观。”

But the shift in mainstream American media — driven by a journalism that is more personal, and reporters more willing to speak what they see as the truth without worrying about alienating conservatives — now feels irreversible. It is driven in equal parts by politics, the culture and journalism’s business model, relying increasingly on passionate readers willing to pay for content rather than skittish advertisers.

但是,在一种更加个人化的新闻驱动下,主流美国媒体正在经历一场转型,这种新闻的记者更愿意说出自己认为的事实,而不必担心疏远保守派。现在这种转变已不可逆转。政治、文化以及这种新闻的商业模式——越来越依赖愿意为内容付费的忠实读者,而不是朝三暮四的广告客户——同样在推动变革。

That shift will come too late for Lowery’s career at The Washington Post. After Ferguson, he proposed and was a lead reporter on a project to build the first national database of police shootings and draw lessons from the results. It won The Post a Pulitzer Prize in 2016. He seemed to insiders and outsiders the prototype of the precocious, nakedly ambitious, somewhat arrogant and very talented (though usually white and male) reporter who has risen quickly at American newspapers.

这种转变对于劳厄里在《华盛顿邮报》的职业生涯而言为时已晚。在弗格森事件之后,他提议建立第一个国家警察枪击事件数据库,以从中吸取教训,他担任该项目的首席记者。该项目使邮报获得了2016年的普利策奖。在行业内外,他都被看作是年轻有为、雄心勃勃、桀骜不驯、才华横溢(虽然通常是白人男性)的记者的原型,他在美国报界迅速崛起。

But Baron has been more sensitive than other newsroom leaders to reporters who push the limits on Twitter and on television, as Max Tani reported in the Daily Beast earlier this year. (At The New York Times, social media policy is usually enforced by a passive-aggressive email from an editor and rare follow-up.) Lowery said that when he hit back at a Republican official who criticized his Ferguson coverage on Twitter, he drew a lecture from Baron.

但正如马克思·塔尼(Max Tani)今年早些时候在Daily Beast上所写的那样,对于那些在Twitter和电视上挑战了底线的记者,巴伦比其他编辑部负责人要更敏感。(在《纽约时报》,社交媒体政策的执行,通常就只是由编辑发出一封被动的具有攻击性的邮件,然后就不了了之。)劳厄里说,在Twitter回击一名批评他的弗格森报道的共和党官员后,他被巴伦训斥了一番。

By 2019, the executive editor had gathered examples of what he saw as misconduct, from Lowery’s tweet mocking attendees at a Washington book party as “decadent aristocrats” to one tweet criticizing a New York Times report on the Tea Party.

到了2019年,这位执行编辑觉得已经收集了不少在他看来不妥当的例子,其中有劳厄里发推嘲笑某个华盛顿读书会的参加者是“堕落贵族”,还有一条批评了《纽约时报》关于茶党的报道。

And after a tense meeting last September, Baron handed Lowery a memo written in the wooden, and condescending, language of human resources:

在去年9月的一次气氛紧张的会面之后,巴伦递给了劳厄里一份用刻板、傲慢的人力资源式语言写的备忘录:

Lowery was “failing to perform your job duties by engaging in conduct on social media that violates The Washington Post’s policy and damages our journalistic integrity,” the memo said.

备忘录说,劳厄里“在社交媒体上的行为违反了《华盛顿邮报》的政策,并损害我们新闻完整性,因此未能履行工作职责”。

“We need to see immediate cessation of improper use of social media, outlined above. Failure to address this issue will result in increased disciplinary action, up to and including the termination of your employment.”

“我们需要看到以上概述的不恰当使用社交媒体的行为立即停止。未能解决这个问题,将会导致纪律处分,甚至终止雇佣。”

Lowery responded with his own memo, defending himself point-by-point, pointing to specific errors, and arguing that in one case he was joining the “debate about a topic I cover directly — race and racism in America.”

劳厄里回了一篇备忘录,逐项反驳,指出具体错误,并辩称其中一次他参与的“正好是我报道的话题——美国的种族和种族主义”。

But six months later Lowery left The Post, for a “60 Minutes” project on the new streaming platform Quibi. It was, he said, a great opportunity. But “you have to live outside the realm of reality to think the executive editor of The Washington Post dressing me down in his office and inviting me to seek employment elsewhere didn’t contribute to me seeking employment elsewhere.”

但六个月后,劳厄里离开邮报,加入新的流媒体平台Quibi上的《60分钟》(60 Minutes)节目。他说,这是一个很好的机会。但是“除非你不是生活在现实世界,才会觉得我去其他地方工作不是因为《华盛顿邮报》的执行主编在他的办公室里斥责我,让我另谋高就”。

He still has Twitter, though. On Wednesday, he tweeted that he’d canceled his subscription to The Times and demanded that Bennet resign. The next day, he broke some big news: George Floyd’s family and the Rev. Al Sharpton would lead a national march on Washington to mark the anniversary of the 1963 civil rights march.

不过,他仍然拥有Twitter。周三,他发推表示已取消时报的订阅,并要求贝内特辞职。第二天,他宣布了一些重大消息:乔治·弗洛伊德的家人和阿尔·夏普顿牧师(Rev. Al Sharpton)将在华盛顿领导一场全国游行,以纪念1963年的民权游行。

“American view-from-nowhere, ‘objectivity’-obsessed, both-sides journalism is a failed experiment,” he tweeted of the Times debacle. “We need to rebuild our industry as one that operates from a place of moral clarity.”

“美国人那种没有立场、迷恋‘客观性’、追求均衡的新闻是一场失败的实验。”他发推谈到《纽约时报》的失败时说。“我们需要重建行业,让它在清晰的道德观下运转。”

Perhaps most tellingly, reporters I spoke to at The Post said they wished Lowery was still there, breaking news from Minneapolis for the paper.

或许最能说明问题的是,我采访过的邮报记者们说,他们希望劳厄里仍在报社,为该报报道明尼阿波利斯的突发新闻。

“When an organization loses a journalist as talented and as fiercely committed to the truth as Wesley Lowery, its leaders need to ask themselves why,” said Felicia Sonmez, a national political reporter who clashed with Baron over a different tweet. “We need more reporters like him, not fewer.”

“当一个组织失去了像韦斯利·劳厄里这样才华横溢、坚定地致力于真相的记者时,它的领导人需要扪心自问这是为什么,”全国政治记者费利西娅·桑梅斯(Felicia Sonmez)说。“我们需要更多像他这样的记者,而不是更少。”