Trump and the Military: A Mutual Embrace Might Dissolve on America’s Streets

特朗普与美国军方面临“割席”?

纽约时报双语版-特朗普与美国军方面临“割席”?

在周三的一次抗议中,国民警卫队士兵在白宫附近的街道上集结。
Erin Schaff/The New York Times

WASHINGTON — For the first three years of President Trump’s time in office, his blunt-force view of the military was confined to threatening American adversaries: “fire and fury” if North Korea challenged American troops. A warning that he would “shoot down and destroy” Iranian forces in the Persian Gulf. Billions spent to rejuvenate a nuclear arsenal he viewed as the ultimate source of American power.

华盛顿——在特朗普执政的前三年,他在军队问题上的强硬态度仅限于威胁美国的对手:如果朝鲜敢挑战美国军队,那他们就将面临“炮火与怒火”。他警告将“击落并摧毁”波斯湾的伊朗军队。花费数十亿美元振兴核武库,在他看来这就是美国力量的终极来源。

His generals and admirals accepted a commander in chief with what they diplomatically dismissed as a “unique style” — and they welcomed the increase in military spending. His chief diplomats, while embarrassed, saw some utility in trying to force adversaries to the table.

他的将领们接受了这样一位被他们委婉斥为“风格独特”的总司令——他们也乐于看到军费开支的增加。尽管感到尴尬,但他的首席外交官们也看到了迫使对手坐到谈判桌前的一些效果。

Now, that tolerance has frayed. Mr. Trump’s threat to use the 1807 Insurrection Act to send active-duty troops on American soil against protesters has laid bare the chasm in the national security community that was forming even when he ran for office in 2016.

现在,这种容忍已经动摇了。特朗普威胁要利用《1807年叛乱法案》向美国本土派遣现役军队对付抗议者,由此曝露了国家安全界的分歧,尽管这种分歧在他2016年竞选总统时就已经形成。

Back then it was only a limited group of “Never Trumpers” — establishment Republican national security professionals repelled by Mr. Trump’s description of how American power should be wielded around the world — who wrote and spoke of the dangers. He “lacks the character, values and experience” to be president, they wrote, and “would put at risk our country’s national security.”

那时候,只有有限的一群“永不特朗普者”(Never Trumpers)——拒绝接受特朗普向世界施展威力的想法的建制派共和党国家安全专家——写下并谈论了这些危险。他“缺乏总统应有的品格、价值观和经验”,他们写道,还“会让我们的国家安全面临危险。”

This week, it was his former defense secretary, a former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and a range of other retired senior officers who were saying in public what they previously said only in private: that the risk lies in the fact that the president regards the military, which historically has prized its nonpartisan, apolitical role in society, as just another political force to be massed to his advantage.

本周,是他的前国防部长、前参谋长联席会议主席和一群退役高级军官公开说出了他们以往只在私下里说的话,即危险在于,总统认为军队只是另一股为他服务的政治力量,而在历史上,军队一直以其在社会中无党派、不问政的角色为荣。

“There is a thin line between the military’s tolerance for questionable partisan moves over the past three years and the point where these become intolerable for an apolitical military,” said Douglas E. Lute, a retired three-star Army general who coordinated Afghanistan and Pakistan operations on the National Security Council for Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, and later became the American ambassador to NATO. “Relatively minor episodes have accumulated imperceptibly, but we are now at a point of where real damage is being done.”

“过去三年来,军方对存疑的党派行为的容忍,与不问政的军方忍无可忍的临界点之间只有一线之隔,”道格拉斯·E·卢特(Douglas E. Lute)说,这位退役陆军三星中将曾在乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)和贝拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)政府的国家安全委员会负责协调阿富汗和巴基斯坦的军事行动,后来成为美国驻北约大使。“影响相对较小的事件在不知不觉中累积,但现在我们已经来到了真正危害已经造成的时刻。”

Mr. Trump’s walk to a church near the White House on Monday, with Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Mark A. Milley, in tow, may have been the moment everything shifted, Mr. Lute said.

鲁特说,周一特朗普与国防部长马克·T·埃斯珀(Mark T. Esper)和参谋长联席会议主席马克·A·米利(Mark A. Milley)将军一起走到白宫附近的教堂,也许就是在这一时刻,一切都变了。

“As that team walked across Lafayette Park with the president,” after the heavy-handed clearing of a peaceful demonstration, he said, “they crossed that line.”

在对一个和平示威活动进行暴力清场后,“当那队人马与总统一起穿越拉法叶公园时,”他说,“他们越了界。”

By Thursday afternoon, there was only an uneasy truce, as Mr. Trump agreed to begin sending home from the Washington region some of the 1,600 active-duty troops — ordered from Fort Bragg, N.C., and Fort Drum, N.Y., to quell protests — that defense officials never wanted here in the first place.

直到周四下午,双方仍只达成了一种令人不安的休战。特朗普同意开始部分调离华盛顿的1600名现役军人——他们被从北卡罗来纳州布拉格堡和纽约州德拉姆堡调来以平息抗议活动——国防官员从一开始就不想把这样做。

But both sides expected the turmoil that began with nationwide demonstrations against the killing of an unarmed black man, George Floyd, in police custody to continue.

但是双方都预计,因手无寸铁的黑人乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)在被警察控制的过程中被杀而爆发的全国性抗议示威,将继续引发动荡。

“Right now, the last thing the country needs — and, frankly, the U.S. military needs — is the appearance of U.S. soldiers carrying out the president’s intent by descending on American citizens,” John R. Allen, a retired four-star Marine general, wrote in Foreign Policy. “This could wreck the high regard Americans have for their military, and much more.” Last year, 73 percent of the public in an annual Gallup poll reported either “a great deal” or “quite a lot” of confidence in the military, making it the highest of the institutions polled.

“目前,国家最不想发生的事——坦率地说,是美国军方最不想发生的事——就是让美国士兵看上去是在总统授意下去镇压美国公民,”海军陆战队退役四星上将约翰·R·艾伦(John R. Allen)在《外交政策》(Foreign Policy)中写道。“这可能会破坏美国人对美国军队的高度崇敬,甚至更糟。”去年,盖洛普年度民意测验中有73%的公众对军队有“非常多”或“很多”信任,使其成为接受调查的机构中受信任最高的机构。

Military officials’ fears seemed to be borne out during the protests this week in Washington, where by Wednesday night those in uniform facing the peaceful crowd were no longer police officers or Secret Service but National Guard soldiers in camouflage. They stood on 16th Street near the White House in front of two Army transport trucks. Although they were not active-duty military troops, to the protesters they looked like them.

军官的担忧似乎在本周华盛顿的抗议活动中得到了证实,到周三晚上,面对和平人群的执法者不再是警察或特勤局,而是身着迷彩的国民警卫队士兵。他们站在白宫附近的第16街上的两辆陆军运输卡车前。尽管他们不是现役军人,但对示威者来说,他们看起来就像。

Both Mr. Esper and General Milley have faced a hail of criticism since their walk across the park with Mr. Trump, and their ties to the president seem to be shifting back to the troops and the Constitution. Mr. Esper, a former Army officer and Persian Gulf war veteran turned Beltway lobbyist for the defense contractor Raytheon, seemed particularly stunned at what he had stumbled into.

自从与特朗普一起穿过公园以来,埃斯珀和米利将军都面临着枪林弹雨般的批评,而且他们与总统的关联似乎正在转回到与军队和宪法。埃斯珀曾经是陆军军官,参加过波斯湾战争的老兵,后来成为国防承包商雷神(Raytheon)公司在华盛顿的游说者,他对自己陷入的境遇似乎格外震惊。

When he told NBC News that “I didn’t know where I was going,” he was speaking narrowly about being unaware that he was headed to the church. But his comment seemed to apply more broadly: that he did not understand that he was symbolically embracing the use of American military forces — the National Guard, and not yet active-duty troops — to suppress peaceful protest. He did not help himself by declaring that same day, to governors, that the mission was to “dominate the battle space” in American cities, as if he were discussing an operation in Anbar Province.

当他告诉NBC新闻“我不知道我要走去哪里”时,他只是在说自己不知道要去教堂。但是他的评论似乎可以用在更多方面:他没意识到,他是在象征性地赞同使用美国军事力量——国民警卫队,目前还不是现役部队——来镇压和平抗议。让他的处境更加糟糕的是,在同一天,他向州长们宣布在美国城市“驾驭战斗空间”的任务时,犹如在讨论伊拉克安巴尔省的作战计划。

For Mr. Trump, who avoided the risk of being drafted into the Vietnam War with a diagnosis of bone spurs, acceptance by the Pentagon has been key — to him and to his base. He celebrated the hiring of Gen. Jim Mattis as his first defense secretary, and then he went looking for other generals: Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn, his first national security adviser; Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, his second national security adviser; and Gen. John F. Kelly, his second chief of staff.

特朗普曾依靠骨刺诊断避免被征召入伍参加越南战争,对于他和他的票仓来说,五角大楼的接纳是个关键。他大肆渲染自己任命第一任国防部长吉姆·马蒂斯上将(Gen. Jim Mattis)的事,然后就开始寻找其他将军:他的第一位国家安全顾问迈克尔·T·弗林中将(Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn);他的第二任国家安全顾问H·R·麦克马斯特中将(Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster);还有他的第二任幕僚长约翰·凯利上将(Gen. John F. Kelly)。

None of those relationships ended well. But it was Mr. Mattis’s decision to break his long silence, and to declare that Mr. Trump was “the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people — does not even pretend to try,” that broke the dam.

这些关系最后的结局都不好。但是马蒂斯打破自己长期的沉默,从而为大坝打开了口子,他说特朗普是“我这辈子见过的第一个没有试图团结美国人民——甚至连假装试一下都没有过的总统”。

Mr. Mattis, as a student of the rise and fall of civilizations, added: “We must reject any thinking of our cities as a ‘battle space’ that our uniformed military is called upon to ‘dominate.’” His critique, Senator Lisa Murkowski, Republican of Alaska, said on Thursday, was “true and honest and necessary and overdue,” a rare Republican break with Mr. Trump.

作为文明兴衰的研究者,马蒂斯还说:“我们必须拒绝任何将我们的城市视为‘战斗空间’、要我们身着制服的军队去‘驾驭’的想法。”阿拉斯加共和党参议员丽莎·穆考斯基(Lisa Murkowski)周四表示,他的批评是“真实而诚恳的,是必要的,早就该有的”,这是共和党与特朗普罕见的决裂。

It was not until this week that the consequences of those differing views about the purposes of the military became evident to many Americans. Adm. Mike Mullen, a former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, denounced the use of the military to support the political acts of a president who had “laid bare his disdain for the rights of peaceful protest in this country.”

许多美国人直到本周才意识到,这些对军队用途的不同看法所造成的后果。前参谋长联席会议主席、海军上将迈克·马伦(Mike Mullen)谴责利用军队支持总统的政治行为,而总统“暴露了他对这个国家和平抗议权利的蔑视”。

“The United States has a long and, to be fair, sometimes troubled history of using the armed forces to enforce domestic laws,” Admiral Mullen wrote in The Atlantic. “The issue for us today is not whether this authority exists, but whether it will be wisely administered.”

“使用武装力量执行国内法律,在美国有着悠久的历史,公平地说,有时也是令人担忧的历史。”马伦将军在《大西洋》(The Atlantic)上写道。“对于我们来说,如今的问题不在于这个职权是否存在,而在于它能否得到明智的管理。”

For many of these officers, the question was whether Mr. Trump was aware of that history. The Declaration of Independence, several noted, dwelled on the complaints that the King of England “kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures,” and tried to “render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.”

对这些官员中的许多人来说,问题在于特朗普是否知道那段历史。一些人指出,《独立宣言》中反复强调英国国王“在和平时期,未经立我们立法机构同意,就在我们中间维持其常备军”,并试图“使军队独立于文官政权之外,凌驾于文官政权之上”。

That is pretty close to what Mr. Trump did on Monday night when he declared that General Milley was “in charge” of what was happening in the streets.

这与特朗普周一晚上的做法非常接近,当时特朗普宣布由米利将军“负责”街头发生的事情。

It is not a role, it turns out, that most in his military want.

结果看到,军中的大多数人都不想扮演这个角色。