“官三代”首相 Family man-书迷号 shumihao.com

ABE SHINZO was just five years old in 1960 when protesters surrounded his grandfather’s house in Tokyo. Kishi Nobusuke, then Japan’s prime minister, was in the midst of a pitched battle over Japan’s security treaty with America. Kishi would get his treaty that year, though it led to him losing power. For a young Mr Abe, the episode would be “the touchstone of his political identity”, argues Tobias Harris in “The Iconoclast”, a new biography of Japan’s longest-serving prime minister.
一九六〇年,安倍晋三还只有五岁,抗议者包围了他的外祖父位于东京的宅邸。时任日本首相的岸信介身处因日美安保条约而起的激烈纷争的中心。这一年稍晚些时候,岸信介让新版条约生效,而他本人因此被迫下台。对于小安倍来说,这段历史将成为“他政治身份的试金石”,托比亚斯·哈里斯(Tobias Harris)在这位日本在任时间最长的首相的新传记《反传统者》(The Iconoclast)中这样指出。

Mr Abe’s status as the grandson of a former prime minister and the son of a former foreign minister, Abe Shintaro, is well-known. Mr Harris, a longtime observer of Japanese politics, astutely explains how Mr Abe’s family influenced his thinking, and situates that thinking in the broader context of Japanese history stretching back to the Meiji restoration of 1868. This comprehensive and engaging tome may become the definitive English-language portrait of Mr Abe, made all the more relevant by his recent resignation.
安倍是日本前首相的外孙,前外务大臣安倍晋太郎的儿子,这一身份众所周知。长期观察日本政治的哈里斯敏锐地阐释了安倍的家族如何影响了他的思想,并将这一思想与1868年明治维新之后的日本历史大背景联系起来。这本内容详尽、引人入胜的大部头可能会成为最权威的安倍英语传记,而他在近日辞职也让这本书愈显恰逢其时。

As Mr Harris shows, Mr Abe is the progeny of Kishi, but a product of the American occupation and the many strange compromises it engendered. His grandfather’s fate is one of the most striking. Kishi made his name orchestrating forced labour for the Japanese war machine as a minister in Japanese-occupied Manchuria in the 1930s. He served loyally in Japan’s wartime cabinet and was arrested as a war criminal in 1945. As the cold war ramped up, Kishi was one of several ex-leaders the Americans let off in order to help rebuild Japan as a bulwark against Soviet communism. Kishi climbed to the pinnacle of power in Japan by helping to found the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) with a bit of help from the CIA.
正如哈里斯所展现的,安倍是岸信介的后代,但却是美国占领日本以及由此产生的诸多奇怪妥协的产物。他外祖父的命运尤其不同寻常。上世纪30年代,岸信介在日本占领的伪满洲国政府任职,因负责为日本的战争机器强征劳动力开始扬名。他忠心耿耿地在日本战时的内阁任职,在1945年作为战犯被捕。随着冷战加剧,美国为了帮助把日本重建为抵御共产主义苏联的堡垒,释放了包括岸信介在内的几位前领导人。借由美国中央情报局的一点帮助,岸信介参与创立了自由民主党,由此登上了日本权力的顶峰。

Re-establishing Japan’s sovereignty and seeking greater equality in the partnership with America became Kishi’s mission. But in the battle of post-war ideas, his vision lost out to the “Yoshida Doctrine” (so named after Japan’s first significant post-war prime minister, Yoshida Shigeru), wherein Japan would rely upon America for security while focusing on its own economic development. Mr Abe made it his cause to revise that consensus, embodied in the American-imposed post-war constitution that bars Japan from having armed forces (though it does, with American support, maintain mighty armed forces for the purpose of self-defence).
重建日本主权,以及寻求与美国建立更平等的伙伴关系成为岸信介的使命。但在战后各路思潮的较量中,他的主张输给了“吉田主义”(以日本战后第一位重要首相吉田茂的名字命名),即日本将专注于本国经济发展,而依赖美国保障国家安全。安倍把修改这一共识作为自己的目标。这种共识体现在美国强加的日本战后宪法中,它禁止日本拥有武装力量(尽管日本在美国的支持下仍然维持着以自卫为目的的强大武装力量)。

Mr Abe may have drawn on his grandfather’s ideas but he learned his trade at his father’s side. Shintaro visited 81 countries in the 1980s; the younger Mr Abe served as his secretary. “His father’s globe-trotting personal diplomacy impressed upon his son the importance of building trust with foreign leaders,” Mr Harris writes. That has been one of Mr Abe’s main achievements. He also inherited his father’s unfinished business: Shintaro died of cancer while trying to settle a territorial dispute with the Soviet Union in 1991.
安倍或许汲取了外祖父的思想,却是跟在父亲身边学到了职业本领。安倍晋太郎在上世纪80年代访问了81个国家,年轻的安倍担任他的秘书。“他的父亲在全球奔波的个人外交给儿子留下了深刻的印记,让他认识到与外国领导人建立互信的重要性。”哈里斯写道。这成为安倍的主要成就之一。他还继承了父亲未竟的事业:1991年晋太郎因癌症去世,当时他正试图解决与前苏联的领土争端。

After Mr Abe followed his father into the Diet, Mr Harris shows how he came to be a leader of a “new conservative” movement. He argued for a more equal alliance with America in which Japan could bear a greater burden, and latched on to the cause of Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea to prove his bona fides as a defender of his country. He also engaged in some appalling whitewashing of Japan’s wartime atrocities. Mr Abe’s allegiance to the new conservative ideas helped doom his first short-lived term as prime minister in 2006-07, which became bogged down in ideological battles over the past.
哈里斯描述了安倍在追随其父进入国会后,如何成长为“新保守派”运动的领袖。他主张与美国建立更平等的同盟关系,日本能在其中承担更大的责任。他抓住日本公民被朝鲜绑架事件来证明自己保卫国家的诚意。他还试图淡化日本战时暴行,令人惊骇。一定程度上由于他对新保守派思想的忠诚,他的第一个首相任期(2006年到2007年)逐渐陷入关于过去的意识形态斗争的泥潭而匆匆结束。

Belonging to a political dynasty gave Mr Abe a big head start. He rose fast despite having been an average student who whizzed around in a red Alfa Romeo and played a lot of mahjong. Yet it has also been a heavy burden. The reader cannot help but quake alongside Mr Abe when his mother tells him, “The LDP of the present was made by my father Kishi Nobusuke, and you must never forget those great footprints.” His mother is an enduring presence: they live in the same apartment building, and even as prime minister, he and his wife, Abe Akie, ate breakfast with her.
出身政治世家给了安倍巨大的先发优势。尽管他学业平平,开着一辆红色的阿尔法·罗密欧到处转悠,还经常打麻将,但他平步青云。不过这也是个沉重的负担。安倍的母亲告诉他,“现在的自民党是我父亲岸信介打下的江山,你永远也不能忘了这些伟大的足迹。”读到这里你会禁不住和安倍一起哆嗦。他的母亲在他的生活中是一个永恒的存在:他们住在同一栋公寓楼里,即使当了首相,他和妻子安倍昭惠也会和母亲一起吃早餐。

That, in part, explains why changing Japan’s constitution was so important to Mr Abe. He cited his failure to do so as one of his biggest regrets when he announced his resignation on August 28th. Yet history will remember Mr Abe more fondly for his readiness to subsume his ideology in favour of a pragmatic approach to national interests during his second stint in office. (Such as with his conciliatory statement on the 70th anniversary of the end of the second world war.) Even what Mr Harris dubs an “Abe Doctrine”—building up Japan’s defence capabilities and ties with other regional powers—is less a break with the Yoshida Doctrine than an offshoot.
这在一定程度上解释了为什么修宪对安倍如此重要。8月28日宣布辞职时,他提到未能做到这一点是自己最大的遗憾之一。不过历史会更怀念他在第二个执政期愿意把自己的思想体系纳入以务实的方式维护国家利益的大方向。(比如他在二战结束70周年时发表的安抚性声明。)即便是哈里斯所称的“安倍主义”——加强日本国防实力及与其他区域性大国的关系——与其说是与吉田主义分裂,不如说是其分支。

As Mr Harris notes, Mr Abe was a keen reader of the German sociologist Max Weber. “With regard to what one should do as a politician, my grandfather consistently acted according to ‘responsibility for consequences’,” he wrote in 1996. “That is, Max Weber’s ‘ethic of responsibility’.” Mr Abe was too kind to his grandfather. The description fits him better. ■
正如哈里斯提到的,安倍是德国社会学家马克斯·韦伯的忠实读者。“说到身为政治家应该做什么,我的外祖父一贯按照‘对后果负责’的原则行事,”安倍在1996年写道,“那也是马克思·韦伯的‘责任伦理’。”安倍对他的外祖父太宽容了。这个描述更适合他自己。